The Dyke Lands

E. L. Eaton

The Nova Scotia Historical Quarterly
Volume 10, Numbers 3 & 4, December 1980.

The visitor entering Nova Scotia for the first time by rail or highway is likely to be impressed by the tremendous expanse of low, level land, reclaimed from the sea, visible on either side, nearly as far as the eye can reach.  A generation ago the area was dotted with plain, square, weathered barns, used as temporary storage for hay.  Most of these have now disappeared, although a few remain, facing in every possible direction.

The boundary between the province of New Brunswick and the province of Nova Scotia is the Missaquash River, a small, sluggish stream, flowing from east to west and emptying into the head waters of the Bay of Fundy.  This is flanked by two other tidal streams of importance which help to drain the area; the Tantramer River, the larger of the two, is entirely in New Brunswick, and the LaPlanche River in Nova Scotia.

Also flowing into the Bay of Fundy, in its upper reaches, are dozens of other streams, large and small, each possing an area of tidal land.  Among the largest of these are the Annapolis, Cornwallis, Canard, Habitant, Gaspereau,Avon, St. Croix, Kennetcook, Shubenacadie, Salmon, Hebert, and Maccan in Nova Scotia; the Aulac, Petitcodiac and Shepody in New Brunswick, Although few of them had been accurately measured at the time, an Early estimate placed the total area as  about 90,000 acres. 4  Modern surveys by the Maritime Marsh Reclamation engineers have established the area as somewhat larger.

In New Brunswick the largest tracts are near Sackville, Dorchester and Moncton, a distance of about 50 miles.  In Nova Scotia the individual tracts are smaller and are found from Amherst to Lower Granville, a distance of some 200 miles by the curved shore line.  A few small bits of marsh have been reclaimed in Prince Edward Island but are regarded as of little present value.

 Warren 8 describes the Bay of Fundy as being "a long, trumpet shaped body of water, possessing probably the most remarkable tides in the world.  The Bay has a length, including Chignecto Bay and Cumerland Basin up to Amherst, or through Minas Channel and Basin, of about 150 miles; its width diminishes from about 50 miles wide opposite the international boundary to about 30 miles where the Cobequid Mountains cleave the waters to form the two converging arms, that of Chegnecto Bay and Cumberland Basin on the north, and that of Minas Basin and Cobequid Bay on the east.  The Bay lies in the northeastly and southwesterly direction, between walls increasing in height toward its head, and the two tapering arms serve to lengthen and intensify the trumpetlike character.  The prevailing winds are the southwesterly.  Like the tides, every southerly wind takes the course of the Bay, is condensed and concentrated and exercises a marked effect on the vegetation."


He quotes borings that show a depth of the marsh accumulations of 80 feet at Aulac, 12 feet at Moncton. Other sampling has found 150 feet 1/2 mile "offshore at Forbes Hill on Aulac Ridge."  In other areas the deposited layer is much less, zero, in fact, where the shore line of the marsh begins.

The geological origin of the marsh lands is described 3 as "built in a subsiding basin out of inorganic red mud brought in from the sea by the rush of tides"-- probably no part of which has been built from the detritus brought down by rivers, nor has vegetation, either marine or land, helped any appreciable extent to build them.  The difference between high and low tides is normally from 40 to 50 feet. 9

It is stated 4 "a typical marsh area contains 15 percent clay, 70 percent silt loam and 15 percent sand.  This makes a fine-textured soil that drains poorly, but it has no stones or compacted layers to obstruct ditching machinery."  It is regarded 6 as some of the most fertile soil in the region.  Experience indicates its use is limited by susceptibility to frost in late spring and early fall.


The French Era

History records that Port Royal, on Annapolis Basin, was founded by Champlain in 1605 and almost immediately came under English attack.  It was captured by Captain Samuel Argall of Virginia in 1613 and a Scottish settlement was established by Sir William Alexander.  The treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye in 1632 returned the country to France and the Scottish settlement was erased.

Development was again begun by The Company of New France and between 1632 and 1637 sixty families from LaRochelle, Saintonge and Poitou, where dykes were familiar, were settled in the Port Royal area.  The erection of dykes seems to have started immediately.  The first pemanent settlement in what is now Kings County dates from 1673, when three families, Theriot, Landry and LeBlanc, moved to Minas, a general term covering the area from Blomidon, around the south side of Minas Basin, probably to near Burlington, Hants County.

R.W. Starr, in a paper "The French in Kings County," read before the Nova Scotia Fruit Growers Association in 1890, states that some of the first land to reclaimed was on Sheffield Creek, a tributary which enters the Canard River from the north.  Here a relatively short dyke and small aboiteau took in some 40 acres.  He describes the remains of a pretentious house close by.  Apparently encouraged by the success of this modest venture, other dykes were steadily added aong the other tributaries and main channel of the Canard River, the Cornwalles, the Habitant, the Pereau, the Gaspereau, the Avon, the St. Croix, the Kennetcook, and the most compact area of all, the Grand Pre.  On the north side of the Bay large areas at Ninudie, Amherst, Sackville and Dorchester were also taken in.

The Acadian plans, although demanding much patience and skill, were extremely simple and practical.  Dykes were first erected along the sides of the stream, confining the sea to a narrow channel.  After this an aboiteau would be thrown across the mouth of the stream.  In other cases, as the Grand Pre, small areas would be enclosed, hastening the accumulation of fresh material farther out, which, in turn, would also be taken in.  Viewed from the air, these early dykes, many now used as roads, are not unlike in appearance the annual growth rings on the shell of an oyster.

An aboiteau or sluice, in its simplest form, was merely a wooden culvert, sometimes hewn from a single log, with a hinged gate at the outer end, placed in the bed of a stream, and covered to the level of the dyke,  Marsh mud in notoriously slippery and alternate layers of brush and mud gave much needed internal support.  This reinforcing not only helped to withstand wave action but permitted much narrower and steeper dykes than the three-to-one slope familiar to construction workers.  

The building of the dykes was an interesting process and rarely required the moving of material more than a few feet.  First, the exact loction was carefully chosen and measured off.  It must provide fine, water resistant mud for the main structure and tough sedge sods for the exposed surface.  The sod from under the base of the dyke was next removed and piled on the land side of the dyke, where it would be available later to lay up against that side.  This left bare mud on which the fresh mud would be piled and the two would "marry", preventing any seepage or leak when the dyke was finished.  Next. on the seaward side, a ridge a foot or so in width was left undisturbed, at the "toe" of the dyke, to prevent the heavy, wet material from slipping.  Just beyond this the dyke pit was opened, which would provide the material for the dyke and also sods for the facing.  Cutting the facing sods was a fine art, usually done by two men working in unison with spades.  They were cut to the correct angle to comform to the slope of the dyke, standing one on another, fitting closely on the edges.  When completed a living face of tight sod was presented to the sea.  The final step was to drain the dyke pit as an accumulation of water so close to the dyke could cause the collapse of the dyke. Marsh mud would then accumulate, and eventually the dyke pit, where it would be availabe for future repairs.

Even with the best of care, severe storm action in summer or drifting ice in winter could damage the fact of the dykes.  The continual attention needed to keep them in repair ensured that the dyking skills of the parents would be passed on to the younger generations.

That present day farmers have no monopoly on advice from ill-informed advisers is shown by the quotation 6 of a navigator's report to the French King in 1670 deploring that "On these dykes they raise with so little labor large crops of hay, grain and flax, and feed such large herds of fine cattle that an easy means of subsistence is afforded, causing them altogether to neglect the rich upland."  Obviously this commentator never spaded marsh mud!  However, this is a vivid picture of the Acadian farm operation of the period.  Homes were built on high ground but the cleared land was rarely more than a garden spot and the new settlers therefore interfered very little with the native people.  Undoubtedly this was one of the reasons for the fine rapport so quickly established, and the larger supplies of food may well have been shared with the Indians in periods when game was scarce.

Early English Dykes

The New England Planters, the Yorkshire English, the Irish and German settlers knew little about dyking.  From the removal of the main body of Acadians in 1755 to the cessation of hostilities in 1763 no repairs seem to have been done to the dykes.  Much was needed.

In their appraisal of the land the New England Planters recorded "dyke, broken dyke,  bad dyke and salt marsh."  In the allocation a bit of each went with each farm.  Incidentally "bad dyke" referred to  poorly drained areas, only covered at very high tides, and supporting an unattractive cover of stunted trees, alders,  viburnums, rushes, sedges and coarse grass.

The Acadians who chose to accept the terms of English rule and remained behind after the expulsion were soon employed in the repair work and, under their guidance, the new settlers gradually acquired the necessary skills.  For the most part the English were content to  restore the lands previously reclaimed by the French, but there were two notable exceptions.

About 1815 a farmer of Upper Sackville, New Brunswick, Toler Thompson, began to reclaim a large area of swampy ground by the English method of "warping."  In doing this he opened a canal of some 2 1/2 miles in length from the Tantramar River to Rush Lake, draining the fresh water and allowing the sea to enter with its heavy load of silt.  Within a few years the swamp was covered with several inches of marsh mud, bringing it up to the general marsh level.  Dykes were then erected to exclude the sea and bountiful crops were produced.  Over the years, however, as the organic layer decayed and settled, silt accumulated, as it always does, in the channel outside the dykes, interfering with the drainage, the quality of crops deteriorated, and eventually much of the land was abondoned.

The other large undertaking was on the opposite side of the Bay, at the mouth of the Canard River.  The French had previously taken in some 1800 acres along this river and its tributaries by the installment plan earlier mentioned.  The new plan would add nearly another square mile, without any of the tedious, intermediate steps.  It would require a mile of new dyke, including two small and one large aboiteaux.  It was a costly and nover-to-be-forgotten experience.  Tradition says that of every ten loads of material nine washed out, and the cost far exceeded the wildest estimate.  When it came time to repay the borrowed money most of the farmers saw their farms sold by the sheriff.

The work was begun in 1815 and the last gap closed in 1823.  This was the signal for a general celebration but that night a severe storm and high tide washed out the new work and daylight saw the sea again in possession.  At that point the provincial government came to the rescue with a grant of £800  and the final closing was in 1825.  The total cost was £20,708 for which 538 acreas were reclaimed, a price of over $150  per acre.  No further public money was spent for the next centruy and a quarter, and mainenance costs were the lowest per acre on this, the Wellington Dyke, of any body of the entire region.


The Great Saxby Tide

No story of the dyke lands is complete without a reference to the Great Saxby Tide, This disaster occurred on October 5, 1869, and was named for an English naval astronomer who had predicted extremely high tides for the northern hemisphere at that period.  What he had not foreseen was that the time of high water in the Bay of Fundy would coincide with the peak of a vicious, southerly hurricane which would drive the waters of the Bay to a crest several feet above the dykes.  Neither side of the Bay escaped inundation and the back flow of the receding waters tore large sections from the dykes.  On the uplands the gale uprooted orchard and shade trees and flattened numerous buildings.  The intensity of the storm prevented the rescue of animals grazing on the low land, many were drowned and there was some loss of human life.  Apparently the animals themselves became confused and exhausted before they could swim to higher land.

During the weeks of fine fall weather which followed, some breaches were repaired.  Others remained open to the sea over winter or longer and it was several years before the salt was washed from the soil and the normal level of crop production restored.  Old timers still  recall, with awe,  grim family stories of the event.


Modern Dyke Reclamation

The Ninteenth Century saw a dramatic change in North American agriculture.  Through no fault in management, in place of being the most productive and cheapest source of animal fodder on the eastern half of the continent, the dykes completely lost their economic advantage.  The congested settlements of the east burst their bounds and the great central plains of Canada and the United States were opened for agriculture.  Among the newcomers from northern Europe was a man by the name of Grimm who settled in Minnesota.  He brought with him a few seeds of a new forage crop, alfalfa.  Although the plant had long been known around the Mediterranean and the Spanish had introduced it at an early date to California, it never survived beyond the warmer regions of the continent.  But Grimm's alfalfa was winter hardy.  It was soon found to be adaptable to relatively dry land, and, being a legume, was able to gather nitrogen from the air by means of the symbiotic bacteria on the roots, furnishing a larger yield of fodder much richer in protein.  The miracle crop spread rapidly through the middle west of the United States and to the limestone soils of Ontario.  It could only be grown on the acid soils of the Maritimes after the application of massive quanties of lime.  Beef production became steadily less competitive and Ontario meat flooded the markets at a much lower price.  As the Twentieth Century came in, motor vehicles replaced horses as the common means of urban transportation and this very substantial market for hay was lost.  Hundreds of acres of excellent dyke land were not mowed.  The movement of young people from country to town was rapidly accelerated, competent labor became less available and dykes became neglected.  As the cost of repairs exceeded the value of the crops grown, many areas were abandoned to the sea.  Others were offered for sale to any person who would pay the taxes.

The most spectacular break was at Canning, Nova Acotia, where, on September 4, 1944, the dyke in the middle of the village went out, sweeping away the main highway bridge and its approaches in the rush of water.  Hundreds of acres of land were flooded and the salt water was found in many back yards to the great amazement of the owners.  This was a convincing argument for the needed major replacement on the Canard River where several times as much land and a dozen highway bridges were involved.

At this point govenments, hitherto largely unconcerned with what was happening, suddenly awoke to the fact that not only were large areas of the most valuable land disappearing with alarming rapidity, but if ordinary people should become short of food, someone would be held responsible.  In short, it became popular to do something.

New aboiteaux were constructed to the Habitant River near Canning and on the Canard River during 1945 and 1946, with substantial government support.  Both employed new techniques, subsequently of great value elsewhere.


The Marshland Rehabilitation Act

In 1948 this special statute was passed by the federal government, followed by enabling legislation in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. 1 5 Under this plan the federal government undertook to restore and maintain the protective works; the province the large drainage channels; the owners the smaller ditches.  The preamble provided, for the first time, a standard definition of terms.  Hitherto the word "dyke" had several uses; as a noun it referred to the embankment which excluded the sea and also to the land after it had been taken in; as a verb it meant the erection of the embankment.  "Marsh" also was confusing.  In Cumberland and Annapolis it usually referred to any land below the tide level, while in Kings marsh only existed outside the protected area.  The common terminology is in general use.

The federal government withdrew from the program in 1966, and dykes were gradually turned over to the provinces as they were brought up to standard.  The final transfer was in 1970.

The Engineering Division of the Nova Scotia Department of Agriculture and Marketing gives the area of protected marshland in Nova Scotia as approximately 44,000 acres, New Brunswick 37,000 acres, potential marsh not yet dyked 10,000 acres.  There are 150 miles of dykes with around 250 aboiteaux of various sizes, with one, two or three barrels.  The largest aboiteau is on the Great Village Marsh in Colchester County, Nova Scotia, 142  feet long, a 12.5' x 10' sluice with two barrels.  It is built of reinforced concrete.

During this thirty-year period of active government support, a completely fresh pool of engineering skills has developed.  Hand labor has been replaced by drag lines, bull dozers and pile drivers; wood by metal and concrete; brush and mud by stone rip-rap.  Standardization of sluice gates assures that replacements are quickly available, and year-round access roads permit rapid movement of repair machinery in an emergency.  In fact, a thoroughly new era in dyke building has come.

Nothwithstanding all this "the treachery of the sea" remains.  There are very few major repairs or renovations that fail to provide some element of surprise, often at the least expected moment.  Those involved say this is some of the fascination of the work.


Land Use

When the New England Planters came in 1760 they brought with them their own Town or Township form of local government.  One of the first peices of general legislation in Nova Scotia was "An Act of Common Fields."  As applied to dyke lands, the proprietors in any conveniently bounded area were enabled to act as a corporate body in things of mutual concern, electing their own officers, collecting their own taxes, and making their own bylaws.  Since the dyke land was primarily used as a source of fodder for animals, naturally the main concern was for roads, fences, dates when animals might or might not be permitted to graze, and distinguishing marks for the animals.

Here again the term "dyke" was confusing.  For example the Wellington Marsh Body, along the Canard River, contained, according to a meticulous survery in 1983, 2,463.104 acres.  Five highways cut across and the river splits it lengthwise.  Small creeks, flowing into the river, make additional barriers.  Thus within the Wellington Marsh Body are a number of "common fields", each a separate entity.  They carry such names as Long Dyke, Union Dyke, Middle Dyke, Kempt Dyke, Bowen Dyke, and many "private" lots, in other words divided from the larger areas by individual fences.  In 1893 the Bowen Dyke contained 421.340 acres, divided into 88 lots, with an area from 1 acre to slightly more than 11 acres.  The number of owners is now reduced, with a consequent increase in the size of the holdings, although for the most part the old boundary lines remain.  The essential difference between these common fields and other farm land is the lack of internal fences.  There is one boundary fence, within the common field.  Boundaries are often little more than a vaguely visible plow furrow, the general recognition of whick speaks volumes for the fairness of all concerned, during the past two centruies.  September and October are the usual grazing months and "turning on day" is still a big event.  The hair is singed with a branding iron to identify the common field in which the animals are turned loose.  The Bowen Dyke uses large "B," the Middle Dyke, "M," to mention only a few.

A unique feature of the Wellington Dyke is the method of internal taxation.  It was early recognized that lots with better natual drainage were more productive and had a higher sale value.  Following the 1893 survey, a committee of three men, familiar with dyke land but having no interest in this tract, made an appraisal.  They selected what they considered the best lot along the entire river and gave it a rating of 100 percent.  The other lots were judged against this standard, with the poorest lot rated only 8 percent.  From these figures was derived the term "Rateable" of "Qualified" acres.  A lot which measured 10 acres, qualifed at 50 percent, was recorded as being 5 "Qualifed Acres."  A 10-acre lot qualifed 25 percent would be only 2.5 qualified acres, and would pay only half the tax of the better quality land.  For many years this form of assessment was accepted for all municipal and provincial taxes.  Recently a less wise assessment authority has imposed a uniform value per acre on all lots, without regard to productive value.  Within the marsh body, internal taxes continue to be based on qualified acres.

Some other marsh bodies have attempted something the same by "making the acres bigger" where the quality was definitely poor.

After hay and grain crops are removed, fall grazing is the custom on many dyke lands.  Within the Common Fields it is necessary to decide how many animals each proprietor may turn on.  The present rules of the Bowen Dyke follow a very early pattern and are generally representative of other Common Fields.

At the annual meeting a Clerk, a Brander, three Field-keepers and an Auditor are elected.  Among their other duties, the Field-Keepers assess the amount of feed on each person's land.  Experience has shown that, on an averaage, aaaabout three acres is needed to feed one cow for the months of September and October, but this varies widely with the quality of the grass cover and the date of hay removal.  The appraisal is geven the name of "sizing" and is easured in "cows" and quarterly fractions of cows.  The owners may take up the feed themselves or sell it to others.  Traditionally people come from long distances with animals to use the fall feed they have bought from local owners.  Current prices are about ten dollars per cow for this period. 

A precise table is used for animals of different ages, again expressed in cows,

Cattle
Horses
3 years and up, except oxen ___1
3 years and up ______________ 1 ½
2 years and under 3 __________ ¾
2 years and under 3 __________ 1
1 year and under 2 ___________ ½
1 year and under 2 ____________ ¾
Calves ____________________ ¼
Under 1 year alone ____________ ½
Oxen ____________________ 1 ¼
Colt sucking dam _____________ ¼


In some areas the present trend in land use is away from a grassland economy and toward crops to be turned more directly into cash.  Canning peas and corn are among these.  In a few places turf is being systematically grown and removed for urban landscaping.  In some areas where land has been abandoned to the sea and reclaimed, it has been expropriated and offered for sale in larger blocks 10.

References:

  1. An Act to Encourage the Development and Rehabilitation of Marsh Lands.  New Brunswick King's Printer, 1949.
  2. Early Agriculture in the Atlantic Provinces by Howard Truman.  Times Publication Co., Moncton, N.B., 1907.
  3. Environmental Change in the Maritimes.  Nova Scotia Institute of Science, 1975.
  4. Machines for Ditching Marshlands.  Can. Dept. Agr., Pub. 1195, 1963.
  5. The Marshland Reclamation Act and Amendments.  N.S. Dept. Agriculture and Marketing.  Pub. 1017. 1951.
  6. Soil Survey Report of South Eastern New Brunswick.  H. Aalund and R.R. Wickland. Can. Dept. Agr. 1949.
  7. Soil Survey Report of the Annapolis Valley.  L.C. Harlow and G.B. Whiteside. Can. Dept. Agr. Tech. Bul. 47. 1943.
  8. Tidal Marshes and Their Reclamation.  George M. Warren.  U.S.D.A. Bul. 240.1907.
  9. Tide Tables. Dept. Marine and Fisheries. 1929.
  10. Valley Outlook. May 22, 1969.


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